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Diễn văn giải Nobel Hòa Bình 1991 đến muộn sau 21 năm Chiều hôm qua, 16/6/2012, Ủy Ban Giải Nobel Hòa Bình đã tổ chức đón tiếp khôi nguyên giải 1991. Trong buỗi lễ đơn giản nhưng cảm động và trang trọng, với sự hiện diện của vua Harald, hoàng hậu Sonja, thái tử Haakon, thủ tướng Jens Stoltenberg, chủ tịch quốc hội Dag T. Andersen, và lãnh đạo các chính đảng. Sau màn trình tấy violon của nữ nghệ sĩ xinh đẹp Na Uy, chủ tịch Ủy Ban, ông Thorbjørn Jagland, bắt đầu đọc diễn văn. Diễn văn chào đón Aung San Suu Kyi, không quá ngắn (chừng 15 phút) nhưng đã nói đủ những gì cần phải nói qua biểu tượng Aung San Suu Kyi. Theo tôi, ông Jagland đã có bài diễn văn hay nhất từ khi là chủ tịch Ủy Ban năm 2009 và còn nguyên giá trị thuyết phục đối với những người Việt Nam yêu chuộng tự do dân chủ. Thứ hai, sự hiện diện của bà Aung San Suu Kyi tại đây hôm nay, chứng minh chứng việc trao giải năm 1991 là đúng với tinh thần Nobel. Và, chúng ta có quyền hi vọng một ngày không xa, được chào đón nhà tranh đấu dân chủ, người tù lương tâm cũng là khôi nguyên giải 2011, Lưu Hiểu Ba. Thứ ba, tự do và dân chủ không do nhà cầm quyền hay luật pháp ban phát. Những giá trị cao quý đó phải do tranh đấu bền bỉ mà có. Thứ tư, chấp nhận hi sinh tình cảm cá nhân cho giá trị cao hơn. Thứ năm, không khiếp nhược và sợ hãi trước bạo quyền. Thành quả tranh đấu của Aung San Suu mang một thông điệp: chế độ độc tài có tất cả mọi thứ trong tay nhưng họ rất sợ dân chủ và trước sau cũng sụp đổ. Thứ sáu, tranh đấu bất bạo động và không hận thù. Trong diễn văn đáp đáp từ muộn 21 năm, bà Aung San Suu Kyi cám ơn đất nước Na Uy và Ủy Ban Giải Nobel Hoà bình, còn lại dành hầu hết thời gian nói về tiến trình dân chủ, hoài bão cho đất nước Miến Điện. Bà Suu Kyi nhấn mạnh hai sự kiện. Chính giải Hòa Bình Nobel 1991 đã giúp cho bà thoát khỏi sự cô lập với thế giới bên ngoải và qua đó, bà nghiệm ra rằng sự quản chế đó không còn tác dụng. Bà lạc quan cẩn thận về tiến trình dân chủ hiện nay vì vẫn còn những người tù lương tâm vô danh khác, chưa được trả tự do. Thủ tướng Jens Stoltenberg nhận xét, diễn văn của bà Aung San Suu mang một uy lực mạnh mẽ mà ông từng biết, từ một phụ nữ mảnh mai.
Na Uy 17/6-2012. Nguyễn Quang Minh tổng hợp thông tin. Nguồn: nobelprize.org, Reuters, NTB **** Vài dòng tản mạn Tôi nghe nói giải Nobel Hoà bình tuy là giải không nằm trong di chúc của ông Alfred Nobel, nhưng lại hay gây chú ý nhiều nhất. Tôi có một anh bạn người Thuỵ Điển, người từng tiêu ra 1 năm trong lab tôi (nay anh là trưởng khoa phẫu thuật chấn thương chỉnh hình bệnh viện Malmo). Anh ấy nói ở Thuỵ Điển, người dân không mấy quan tâm đến giải Nobel về y sinh, vật lí, hay hoá học mấy; họ quan tâm đến hai giải Nobel về văn học và hoà bình. Hai giải này thú vị hơn và gần gũi hơn với "thường dân", nên ai cũng ngóng chờ đến ngày để biết ai được trao giải. Bà Aung San Suu Kyi được trao giải Nobel Hoà bình năm 1991. Lúc đó là cả một sự kiện / event, vì bà bị quản thúc tại gia, và bà cũng không đi nhận giải. Miến Điện là một nước tương đối lớn và có số phận đau khổ. Diện tích của Miến Điện lớn gấp 2 lần Việt Nam. Nhưng dân số thì mới ~60 triệu. Miến Điện bị thực dân Anh cai trị một thời gian khá dài, đến khi độc lập thì lại rơi vào nội chiến. Suốt gần 50 năm (1962 đến 2011) Miến Điện bị cai trị bởi chế độ quân phiệt. Cho đến năm 2011 chế độ quân phiệt mới chịu trao quyền cho dân sự. Đến nay, Miến Điện dù là một nước giàu tài nguyên nhưng là một trong những nước nghèo nhất thế giới. Năm 1990, Đảng National League for Democracy (NLD) của bà Suu Kyi trúng cử. Nhưng chế độ quân phiệt không công nhận kết quả này, và tố cáo bà là tay sai của nước ngoài! Họ quản thúc bà tại gia suốt 15 năm trời. Người phụ nữ mảnh mai đó trở thành một biểu tượng của tù nhân lương tâm trên thế giới. Tháng 4 năm 2012, sau khi chế độ quan phiệt giải tán vào năm 2011, bà được đắc cử vào hạ nghị viện Miến Điện. Tuần vừa qua, bà được Na Uy mời thăm và nhận giải thưởng Nobel Hoà bình. Hai tù nhân lương tâm người nước ngoài tôi ngưỡng mộ nhất là Nelson Mendela và Aung San Suu Kyi. Trước đây khi ông Mendela được trả tự do, ông có cho ra mắt cuốn hồi kí Long Walk to Freedom, một cuốn sách rất rất hay. Có những câu nói trong cuốn đó làm tôi nhớ hoài. Chẳng hạn như "Education is the most powerful weapon which you can use to change the world" (Giáo dục là vũ khí mạnh mẽ nhất mà bạn có thể sử dụng để thay đổi thế giới), "A good head and good heart are always a formidable combination. But when you add to that a literate tongue or pen, then you have something very special" (có thể hiểu như: một cái đầu tốt với một trái tim tốt luôn là một sự kết hợp hùng mạnh. Nhưng khi bạn thêm chữ nghĩa hoặc ngòi bút vào sự kết hợp đó, bạn sẽ có một cái gì đó rất đặc biệt). Đến bà Aung San Suu Kyi, nếu chỉ nhìn hình, thì trông ốm yếu và mảnh mai, nhưng là người phụ nữ can đảm phi thường và rất thông minh. Cũng như ông Mendela, bà có những câu nói bất hủ, như "The true measure of the justice of a system is the amount of protection it guarantees to the weakest" (tiêu chuẩn thật sự của một hệ thống công lí là mức độ mà hệ thống đó bảo vệ những người yếu đuối nhất), và nhất là câu"It is not power that corrupts but fear. Fear of losing power corrupts those who wield it and fear of the scourge of power corrupts those who are subject to it" (không phải quyền lực mà là sự sợ hãi làm cho người ta thối nát. Sợ mất quyền thế làm cho những kẻ đương quyền trở nên đồi bại, và sợ bị những kẻ quyền thế trừng phạt làm cho những người bị trị sai lạc). Phải đọc bài diễn văn bằng tiếng Anh của bà mới thấy bà rất giỏi tiếng Anh, dùng toàn những chữ đậm chất văn chương cao sang mà chưa chắc người bản xứ tiếng Anh có khả năng viết được như thế. Do đó, không ngạc nhiên khi thấy Hội đổng giải Nobel Hoà bình đánh giá bài diễn văn của bà là hay nhất từ trước đến nay. Bà Aung San Suu Kyi đọc diễn văn tại Oslo (chú ý tiếng Anh rất chuẩn) Nhiều tín hiệu gần đây cho thấy Miến Điện càng ngày càng tiến đến một chế độ dân chủ. Cộng đồng người Miến Điện hải ngoại thậm chí còn có quyền ra báo ở trong nước. Nhiều chuyên gia tiên đoán rằng một khi được "cởi trói", với nguồn tài nguyên phong phú và cộng đồng người Miến Điện ở hải ngoại, Miến Điện sẽ trở thành một ngôi sao mới ở Đông Nam Á. Chỉ biết hi vọng như thế. NVT
http://www.nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/peace/laureates/1991/kyi-lecture_en.html Nobel Lecture Nobel Lecture by Aung San Suu Kyi, Oslo, 16 June, 2012 Your Majesties, Your Royal Highness, Excellencies, Distinguished members of the Norwegian Nobel Committee, Dear Friends, Long years ago, sometimes it seems many lives ago, I was at Oxford listening to the radio programme Desert Island Discs with my young son Alexander. It was a well-known programme (for all I know it still continues) on which famous people from all walks of life were invited to talk about the eight discs, the one book beside the bible and the complete works of Shakespeare, and the one luxury item they would wish to have with them were they to be marooned on a desert island. At the end of the programme, which we had both enjoyed, Alexander asked me if I thought I might ever be invited to speak on Desert Island Discs. "Why not?" I responded lightly. Since he knew that in general only celebrities took part in the programme he proceeded to ask, with genuine interest, for what reason I thought I might be invited. I considered this for a moment and then answered: "Perhaps because I'd have won the Nobel Prize for literature," and we both laughed. The prospect seemed pleasant but hardly probable. (I cannot now remember why I gave that answer, perhaps because I had recently read a book by a Nobel Laureate or perhaps because the Desert Island celebrity of that day had been a famous writer.) In 1989, when my late husband Michael Aris came to see me during my first term of house arrest, he told me that a friend, John Finnis, had nominated me for the Nobel Peace Prize. This time also I laughed. For an instant Michael looked amazed, then he realized why I was amused. The Nobel Peace Prize? A pleasant prospect, but quite improbable! So how did I feel when I was actually awarded the Nobel Prize for Peace? The question has been put to me many times and this is surely the most appropriate occasion on which to examine what the Nobel Prize means to me and what peace means to me. As I have said repeatedly in many an interview, I heard the news that I had been awarded the Nobel Peace Prize on the radio one evening. It did not altogether come as a surprise because I had been mentioned as one of the frontrunners for the prize in a number of broadcasts during the previous week. While drafting this lecture, I have tried very hard to remember what my immediate reaction to the announcement of the award had been. I think, I can no longer be sure, it was something like: "Oh, so they've decided to give it to me." It did not seem quite real because in a sense I did not feel myself to be quite real at that time. Often during my days of house arrest it felt as though I were no longer a part of the real world. There was the house which was my world, there was the world of others who also were not free but who were together in prison as a community, and there was the world of the free; each was a different planet pursuing its own separate course in an indifferent universe. What the Nobel Peace Prize did was to draw me once again into the world of other human beings outside the isolated area in which I lived, to restore a sense of reality to me. This did not happen instantly, of course, but as the days and months went by and news of reactions to the award came over the airwaves, I began to understand the significance of the Nobel Prize. It had made me real once again; it had drawn me back into the wider human community. And what was more important, the Nobel Prize had drawn the attention of the world to the struggle for democracy and human rights in Burma. We were not going to be forgotten. To be forgotten. The French say that to part is to die a little. To be forgotten too is to die a little. It is to lose some of the links that anchor us to the rest of humanity. When I met Burmese migrant workers and refugees during my recent visit to Thailand, many cried out: "Don't forget us!" They meant: "don't forget our plight, don't forget to do what you can to help us, don't forget we also belong to your world." When the Nobel Committee awarded the Peace Prize to me they were recognizing that the oppressed and the isolated in Burma were also a part of the world, they were recognizing the oneness of humanity. So for me receiving the Nobel Peace Prize means personally extending my concerns for democracy and human rights beyond national borders. The Nobel Peace Prize opened up a door in my heart. The Burmese concept of peace can be explained as the happiness arising from the cessation of factors that militate against the harmonious and the wholesome. The word nyein-chan translates literally as the beneficial coolness that comes when a fire is extinguished. Fires of suffering and strife are raging around the world. In my own country, hostilities have not ceased in the far north; to the west, communal violence resulting in arson and murder were taking place just several days before I started out on the journey that has brought me here today. News of atrocities in other reaches of the earth abound. Reports of hunger, disease, displacement, joblessness, poverty, injustice, discrimination, prejudice, bigotry; these are our daily fare. Everywhere there are negative forces eating away at the foundations of peace. Everywhere can be found thoughtless dissipation of material and human resources that are necessary for the conservation of harmony and happiness in our world. The First World War represented a terrifying waste of youth and potential, a cruel squandering of the positive forces of our planet. The poetry of that era has a special significance for me because I first read it at a time when I was the same age as many of those young men who had to face the prospect of withering before they had barely blossomed. A young American fighting with the French Foreign Legion wrote before he was killed in action in 1916 that he would meet his death: "at some disputed barricade;" "on some scarred slope of battered hill;" "at midnight in some flaming town." Youth and love and life perishing forever in senseless attempts to capture nameless, unremembered places. And for what? Nearly a century on, we have yet to find a satisfactory answer. Are we not still guilty, if to a less violent degree, of recklessness, of improvidence with regard to our future and our humanity? War is not the only arena where peace is done to death. Wherever suffering is ignored, there will be the seeds of conflict, for suffering degrades and embitters and enrages. A positive aspect of living in isolation was that I had ample time in which to ruminate over the meaning of words and precepts that I had known and accepted all my life. As a Buddhist, I had heard about dukha, generally translated as suffering, since I was a small child. Almost on a daily basis elderly, and sometimes not so elderly, people around me would murmur "dukha, dukha" when they suffered from aches and pains or when they met with some small, annoying mishaps. However, it was only during my years of house arrest that I got around to investigating the nature of the six great dukha. These are: to be conceived, to age, to sicken, to die, to be parted from those one loves, to be forced to live in propinquity with those one does not love. I examined each of the six great sufferings, not in a religious context but in the context of our ordinary, everyday lives. If suffering were an unavoidable part of our existence, we should try to alleviate it as far as possible in practical, earthly ways. I mulled over the effectiveness of ante- and post-natal programmes and mother and childcare; of adequate facilities for the aging population; of comprehensive health services; of compassionate nursing and hospices. I was particularly intrigued by the last two kinds of suffering: to be parted from those one loves and to be forced to live in propinquity with those one does not love. What experiences might our Lord Buddha have undergone in his own life that he had included these two states among the great sufferings? I thought of prisoners and refugees, of migrant workers and victims of human trafficking, of that great mass of the uprooted of the earth who have been torn away from their homes, parted from families and friends, forced to live out their lives among strangers who are not always welcoming. We are fortunate to be living in an age when social welfare and humanitarian assistance are recognized not only as desirable but necessary. I am fortunate to be living in an age when the fate of prisoners of conscience anywhere has become the concern of peoples everywhere, an age when democracy and human rights are widely, even if not universally, accepted as the birthright of all. How often during my years under house arrest have I drawn strength from my favourite passages in the preamble to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights: ……. disregard and contempt for human rights have resulted in barbarous acts which have outraged the conscience of mankind, and the advent of a world in which human beings shall enjoy freedom of speech and belief and freedom from fear and want has been proclaimed as the highest aspirations of the common people, …… it is essential, if man is not to be compelled to have recourse, as a last resort, to rebellion against tyranny and oppression, that human rights should be protected by the rule of law . . . If I am asked why I am fighting for human rights in Burma the above passages will provide the answer. If I am asked why I am fighting for democracy in Burma, it is because I believe that democratic institutions and practices are necessary for the guarantee of human rights. Over the past year there have been signs that the endeavours of those who believe in democracy and human rights are beginning to bear fruit in Burma. There have been changes in a positive direction; steps towards democratization have been taken. If I advocate cautious optimism it is not because I do not have faith in the future but because I do not want to encourage blind faith. Without faith in the future, without the conviction that democratic values and fundamental human rights are not only necessary but possible for our society, our movement could not have been sustained throughout the destroying years. Some of our warriors fell at their post, some deserted us, but a dedicated core remained strong and committed. At times when I think of the years that have passed, I am amazed that so many remained staunch under the most trying circumstances. Their faith in our cause is not blind; it is based on a clear-eyed assessment of their own powers of endurance and a profound respect for the aspirations of our people. It is because of recent changes in my country that I am with you today; and these changes have come about because of you and other lovers of freedom and justice who contributed towards a global awareness of our situation. Before continuing to speak of my country, may I speak out for our prisoners of conscience. There still remain such prisoners in Burma. It is to be feared that because the best known detainees have been released, the remainder, the unknown ones, will be forgotten. I am standing here because I was once a prisoner of conscience. As you look at me and listen to me, please remember the often repeated truth that one prisoner of conscience is one too many. Those who have not yet been freed, those who have not yet been given access to the benefits of justice in my country number much more than one. Please remember them and do whatever is possible to effect their earliest, unconditional release. Burma is a country of many ethnic nationalities and faith in its future can be founded only on a true spirit of union. Since we achieved independence in 1948, there never has been a time when we could claim the whole country was at peace. We have not been able to develop the trust and understanding necessary to remove causes of conflict. Hopes were raised by ceasefires that were maintained from the early 1990s until 2010 when these broke down over the course of a few months. One unconsidered move can be enough to remove long-standing ceasefires. In recent months, negotiations between the government and ethnic nationality forces have been making progress. We hope that ceasefire agreements will lead to political settlements founded on the aspirations of the peoples, and the spirit of union. My party, the National League for Democracy, and I stand ready and willing to play any role in the process of national reconciliation. The reform measures that were put into motion by President U Thein Sein's government can be sustained only with the intelligent cooperation of all internal forces: the military, our ethnic nationalities, political parties, the media, civil society organizations, the business community and, most important of all, the general public. We can say that reform is effective only if the lives of the people are improved and in this regard, the international community has a vital role to play. Development and humanitarian aid, bi-lateral agreements and investments should be coordinated and calibrated to ensure that these will promote social, political and economic growth that is balanced and sustainable. The potential of our country is enormous. This should be nurtured and developed to create not just a more prosperous but also a more harmonious, democratic society where our people can live in peace, security and freedom. The peace of our world is indivisible. As long as negative forces are getting the better of positive forces anywhere, we are all at risk. It may be questioned whether all negative forces could ever be removed. The simple answer is: "No!" It is in human nature to contain both the positive and the negative. However, it is also within human capability to work to reinforce the positive and to minimize or neutralize the negative. Absolute peace in our world is an unattainable goal. But it is one towards which we must continue to journey, our eyes fixed on it as a traveller in a desert fixes his eyes on the one guiding star that will lead him to salvation. Even if we do not achieve perfect peace on earth, because perfect peace is not of this earth, common endeavours to gain peace will unite individuals and nations in trust and friendship and help to make our human community safer and kinder. I used the word 'kinder' after careful deliberation; I might say the careful deliberation of many years. Of the sweets of adversity, and let me say that these are not numerous, I have found the sweetest, the most precious of all, is the lesson I learnt on the value of kindness. Every kindness I received, small or big, convinced me that there could never be enough of it in our world. To be kind is to respond with sensitivity and human warmth to the hopes and needs of others. Even the briefest touch of kindness can lighten a heavy heart. Kindness can change the lives of people. Norway has shown exemplary kindness in providing a home for the displaced of the earth, offering sanctuary to those who have been cut loose from the moorings of security and freedom in their native lands. There are refugees in all parts of the world. When I was at the Maela refugee camp in Thailand recently, I met dedicated people who were striving daily to make the lives of the inmates as free from hardship as possible. They spoke of their concern over 'donor fatigue,' which could also translate as 'compassion fatigue.' 'Donor fatigue' expresses itself precisely in the reduction of funding. 'Compassion fatigue' expresses itself less obviously in the reduction of concern. One is the consequence of the other. Can we afford to indulge in compassion fatigue? Is the cost of meeting the needs of refugees greater than the cost that would be consequent on turning an indifferent, if not a blind, eye on their suffering? I appeal to donors the world over to fulfill the needs of these people who are in search, often it must seem to them a vain search, of refuge. At Maela, I had valuable discussions with Thai officials responsible for the administration of Tak province where this and several other camps are situated. They acquainted me with some of the more serious problems related to refugee camps: violation of forestry laws, illegal drug use, home brewed spirits, the problems of controlling malaria, tuberculosis, dengue fever and cholera. The concerns of the administration are as legitimate as the concerns of the refugees. Host countries also deserve consideration and practical help in coping with the difficulties related to their responsibilities. Ultimately our aim should be to create a world free from the displaced, the homeless and the hopeless, a world of which each and every corner is a true sanctuary where the inhabitants will have the freedom and the capacity to live in peace. Every thought, every word, and every action that adds to the positive and the wholesome is a contribution to peace. Each and every one of us is capable of making such a contribution. Let us join hands to try to create a peaceful world where we can sleep in security and wake in happiness. The Nobel Committee concluded its statement of 14 October 1991 with the words: "In awarding the Nobel Peace Prize ... to Aung San Suu Kyi, the Norwegian Nobel Committee wishes to honour this woman for her unflagging efforts and to show its support for the many people throughout the world who are striving to attain democracy, human rights and ethnic conciliation by peaceful means." When I joined the democracy movement in Burma it never occurred to me that I might ever be the recipient of any prize or honour. The prize we were working for was a free, secure and just society where our people might be able to realize their full potential. The honour lay in our endeavour. History had given us the opportunity to give of our best for a cause in which we believed. When the Nobel Committee chose to honour me, the road I had chosen of my own free will became a less lonely path to follow. For this I thank the Committee, the people of Norway and peoples all over the world whose support has strengthened my faith in the common quest for peace. Thank you. |
Xin giới thiệu bài viết sau đây của anh Nguyễn Quang Minh, về diễn văn của bà Aung San Suu Kyi, người được trao giải Nobel Hoà bình năm 1991. Hai mươi mốt năm sau, khi bà được trả tự do, bà mới có dịp đến Na Uy để nhận giải. Anh Minh là người định cư ở Na Uy và có quan tâm đến giải này cũng như hành trình của bà Aung San Suu Kyi, và anh có nhã ý chia sẻ những thông tin chung quanh sự kiện quan trọng hôm 16/6/2012 ở Oslo. Xin cám ơn anh Minh.
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